by the Center for Economic and
Policy Research (CEPR)
This article reveals how Washington is still investing in Haiti’s
military occupation, not winding it down. HL
In an Apr. 9 press release,
DynCorp International announced that the U.S. State Department’s Bureau of
International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) had awarded the
company with a $48.6 million contract. The purpose of the contract is to
“recruit and support up to 100 UNPOL and 10 U.N. Corrections Advisors. DI will
also provide logistics support to the Haitian National Police (HNP) Academy and
each academy class. In addition, DI will supply five high-level French and
Haitian Creole speaking subject matter experts to advise senior HNP officials.”
The
contract was actually awarded to DynCorp a year ago, and the first funding
through the award was given to DynCorp in November 2012 in the amount of $12.9
million. DynCorp is one of the largest government contractors, receiving well
over $3 billion in 2012.
As
the company points out, its previous work in Haiti began in 2008 and involved
the training of over 400 police officers. That work, part of the Haiti
Stabilization Initiative, also entailed increasing the size of the U.N.
military base in Cite Soleil. DynCorp, which continues to receive funds through
that task order, has received over $23 million since 2008 for its work in
Haiti.
One
of the primary tasks of the U.N. military mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) is to
recruit and train members for the Haitian National Police, so that they could
eventually take over for the foreign troops. With this latest contract, DynCorp
has gone from training police to take over for MINUSTAH, to simply supplying
troops directly to MINUSTAH.
But
the awarding of the contract to DynCorp is also problematic given the company’s
terrible track record in the same exact program areas where they will now
operate in Haiti.
In
Bosnia in the late 1990s, DynCorp was contracted by the State Department to
provide “peacekeepers” for the UN police there, just as in Haiti now. One
employee, Kathryn Bolkovac, was eventually fired after blowing the whistle to
her superiors at DynCorp on the participation of her colleagues in sex
trafficking, among other abuses. The case was the basis for the 2011 Hollywood
movie, The Whistleblower.
Unfortunately,
these types of abuses have been all too common in Haiti since the arrival of UN
troops in 2004. And similar to the situation in Bosnia, there have been only
sporadic and piecemeal efforts to hold those responsible, accountable.
Additionally,
DynCorp has a history of waste, fraud and abuse, including under U.S.
government contracts to provide police training in Afghanistan and Iraq,
similar to their program in Haiti. In 2010, the Special Inspector General for
Iraq Reconstruction issued a report which found that the State Department and
DynCorp could not account for $1 billion dollars spent training the Iraq
police. At the time, Senator Claire McCaskill (D-MO) said “[INL has]been
managing this contract in Iraq since 2004 and, according to this report, they
have no idea where any of the money went… What's even worse is that these are
the same people responsible for police training in Afghanistan, so I don't have
any confidence that they're doing a better job there.”
Sure
enough, in 2011 DynCorp was slammed by a joint audit from the State Department
and Defense Department over their work training the Afghan police. It wasn’t
the first time. Also In 2011, according to the Project on Government
Oversight’s Contractor Misconduct Database, DynCorp paid $7.7 million to settle
a False Claims Act lawsuit after a whistleblower alleged that the company had
inflated claims under a “contract with the State Department to provide civilian
police training in Iraq.”
DynCorp has gone from training police to take over for MINUSTAH, to
simply supplying troops directly to MINUSTAH.
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